Israel & Hezbollah: Week 1
Along with many Americans and people around the world, I watch current events in the Middle East with great interest and concern. I worry over the loss of civilian lives on both sides of the conflict and I wonder when the region will finally know peace.
I approach the situation not as a political pundit, an academic, or interested outside observer, but as a soldier who could find himself serving in Lebanon or Gaza if the Israeli military needs to call up more reserve units.
Living and working just outside of Washington DC, I rely on the same news broadcasts as everyone else for information. And like others who have a personal connection to Israel or Lebanon, I gain additional tidbits from friends who live in the midst of the conflict.
It’s difficult to watch Israeli citizens suffer and not be part – even if only in a small way – of ensuring their security, but as of this writing, my reserve unit hasn’t been called up. Unlike Operation Defensive Shield in 2002, when Israel dismantled the Palestinian terror infrastructure in the West Bank and re-established military control over the area, there hasn’t been a large call-up of reserves. Up until now, the ground offensive in Lebanon and Gaza has been relatively limited in scale and the government has only authorized a minimal call-up of reservists.
That leaves me in DC, living as if I were still in Jerusalem. I pay close attention to the news, keep in touch with members of my unit, try to focus on work, tend to the needs of my pregnant wife, and attempt to enjoy the good things that happen each day. But mostly I’m waiting to be put to use and do my part.
Watching the images of soldiers making their way to Bint Jbail from my air conditioned home, I can almost feel the heat and dust of Lebanon during summer. I remember what it’s like to trudge across that hilly country wearing body armor that keeps in body heat more effectively than it keeps out bullets and a heavy assault vest that becomes light only after you use up ammunition engaging the enemy.
The mayor of Kiryat Shmoneh, a border town that has been under constant attack, spoke on Israeli TV recently. He told Israelis living in the relative safety of Tel Aviv and Jerusalem not to worry. “We’re ready to stay in the shelters for as long as it takes. Just let the army do its job.”
The willingness of Israelis to endure the shelling and the steady progress of the Israeli military demonstrates to radical Islamists like Hezbollah, Hamas, and Iran that western democratic nations have the will and the ability to defeat them.
A ceasefire at this stage – that does not include the immediate disarmament of Hezbollah – will be construed as capitulation on the part of Israel and the western world. This would feed the belief that the west will retreat when attacked. Failure to act decisively against Hezbollah will further embolden Syria, Iran, and radical Islamists in Iraq, Egypt, Jordan, and Indonesia as well as those living in the US and Europe.
If Hamas and Hezbollah are perceived as having won even the slightest concession from Israel or the international community, they will become stronger than ever. In fact, their mere survival as an organization will be celebrated as if it were a tremendous achievement of their own making – as opposed to the result of international concern for the impact this war is having on Lebanese civilians. And this expansion of radical Islam’s influence may silence once-moderate voices in the Middle East who will fear that the West won’t protect them.
It should be remembered that there has been a de facto ceasefire in place since Israel left Lebanon six years ago. Hezbollah and Iran used this time fortify military positions with underground bunkers and sophisticated equipment. Since 2004, Lebanon and the world community have called for Hezbollah to be disarmed. If the ceasefire that is being proposed by the UN and some European countries were to begin today, what would Hezbollah do? It has refused to disarm for two years, why would it do so now when a ceasefire proves that their strategy of hiding amongst civilians enables them to maintain power. If the proposed ceasefire takes place, Hezbollah will regroup and Iran will understand that the West’s is making empty threats against its nuclear ambitions.
The Israeli military has suggested that it needs seven to ten more days to complete its mission. I’m skeptical that Israel can accomplish in three weeks what the world couldn’t in two years. And I’m concerned that the timetable is being driven by political concern regarding probable international pressure for Israel to halt its offensive. Israel is capable of defeating Hezbollah militarily and it should be allowed to set its own timetable – whether it takes seven days or seven weeks – and it should do so with the full support of leading Western nations.
For only then will the supporters of radical Islam in the Middle East – Hezbollah, Hamas, Al Qaeda, and Iran – understand that the West has the strength to endure any attack and the endurance to do what it takes in order to defeat them. And when Israel does succeed, not only will Lebanon finally have a chance to become, once again, the Switzerland of the Middle East, but we may be closer to regional stability than we’ve been in decades.
.
Over the last twenty years, the problem of radical Islam has grown exponentially. The current battle between Hezbollah and Israel is just one part of a much larger, more complex problem, but it does force a decision. When attacked by radical Islamists, what does a Western nation do? Do you negotiate in the hope that you’ll gain a few more years of quiet or do you take the necessary actions that ensure your enemy’s defeat?
Hezbollah as a military organization can be defeated by force of arms. And in this confrontation, it is vital that Israel, as representative of the Western, democratic world, demonstrate the ability to endure attacks and the will to defeat them. Accomplishing this, the West sends a powerful message to those who would seek our destruction. Failure sends an equally powerful message that will encourage our enemies to attack us and makes it more difficult for existing allies in the Middle East to remain supportive of American values and goals
Along with many Americans and people around the world, I watch current events in the Middle East with great interest and concern. I worry over the loss of civilian lives on both sides of the conflict and I wonder when the region will finally know peace.
I approach the situation not as a political pundit, an academic, or interested outside observer, but as a soldier who could find himself serving in Lebanon or Gaza if the Israeli military needs to call up more reserve units.
Living and working just outside of Washington DC, I rely on the same news broadcasts as everyone else for information. And like others who have a personal connection to Israel or Lebanon, I gain additional tidbits from friends who live in the midst of the conflict.
It’s difficult to watch Israeli citizens suffer and not be part – even if only in a small way – of ensuring their security, but as of this writing, my reserve unit hasn’t been called up. Unlike Operation Defensive Shield in 2002, when Israel dismantled the Palestinian terror infrastructure in the West Bank and re-established military control over the area, there hasn’t been a large call-up of reserves. Up until now, the ground offensive in Lebanon and Gaza has been relatively limited in scale and the government has only authorized a minimal call-up of reservists.
That leaves me in DC, living as if I were still in Jerusalem. I pay close attention to the news, keep in touch with members of my unit, try to focus on work, tend to the needs of my pregnant wife, and attempt to enjoy the good things that happen each day. But mostly I’m waiting to be put to use and do my part.
Watching the images of soldiers making their way to Bint Jbail from my air conditioned home, I can almost feel the heat and dust of Lebanon during summer. I remember what it’s like to trudge across that hilly country wearing body armor that keeps in body heat more effectively than it keeps out bullets and a heavy assault vest that becomes light only after you use up ammunition engaging the enemy.
The mayor of Kiryat Shmoneh, a border town that has been under constant attack, spoke on Israeli TV recently. He told Israelis living in the relative safety of Tel Aviv and Jerusalem not to worry. “We’re ready to stay in the shelters for as long as it takes. Just let the army do its job.”
The willingness of Israelis to endure the shelling and the steady progress of the Israeli military demonstrates to radical Islamists like Hezbollah, Hamas, and Iran that western democratic nations have the will and the ability to defeat them.
A ceasefire at this stage – that does not include the immediate disarmament of Hezbollah – will be construed as capitulation on the part of Israel and the western world. This would feed the belief that the west will retreat when attacked. Failure to act decisively against Hezbollah will further embolden Syria, Iran, and radical Islamists in Iraq, Egypt, Jordan, and Indonesia as well as those living in the US and Europe.
If Hamas and Hezbollah are perceived as having won even the slightest concession from Israel or the international community, they will become stronger than ever. In fact, their mere survival as an organization will be celebrated as if it were a tremendous achievement of their own making – as opposed to the result of international concern for the impact this war is having on Lebanese civilians. And this expansion of radical Islam’s influence may silence once-moderate voices in the Middle East who will fear that the West won’t protect them.
It should be remembered that there has been a de facto ceasefire in place since Israel left Lebanon six years ago. Hezbollah and Iran used this time fortify military positions with underground bunkers and sophisticated equipment. Since 2004, Lebanon and the world community have called for Hezbollah to be disarmed. If the ceasefire that is being proposed by the UN and some European countries were to begin today, what would Hezbollah do? It has refused to disarm for two years, why would it do so now when a ceasefire proves that their strategy of hiding amongst civilians enables them to maintain power. If the proposed ceasefire takes place, Hezbollah will regroup and Iran will understand that the West’s is making empty threats against its nuclear ambitions.
The Israeli military has suggested that it needs seven to ten more days to complete its mission. I’m skeptical that Israel can accomplish in three weeks what the world couldn’t in two years. And I’m concerned that the timetable is being driven by political concern regarding probable international pressure for Israel to halt its offensive. Israel is capable of defeating Hezbollah militarily and it should be allowed to set its own timetable – whether it takes seven days or seven weeks – and it should do so with the full support of leading Western nations.
For only then will the supporters of radical Islam in the Middle East – Hezbollah, Hamas, Al Qaeda, and Iran – understand that the West has the strength to endure any attack and the endurance to do what it takes in order to defeat them. And when Israel does succeed, not only will Lebanon finally have a chance to become, once again, the Switzerland of the Middle East, but we may be closer to regional stability than we’ve been in decades.
.
Over the last twenty years, the problem of radical Islam has grown exponentially. The current battle between Hezbollah and Israel is just one part of a much larger, more complex problem, but it does force a decision. When attacked by radical Islamists, what does a Western nation do? Do you negotiate in the hope that you’ll gain a few more years of quiet or do you take the necessary actions that ensure your enemy’s defeat?
Hezbollah as a military organization can be defeated by force of arms. And in this confrontation, it is vital that Israel, as representative of the Western, democratic world, demonstrate the ability to endure attacks and the will to defeat them. Accomplishing this, the West sends a powerful message to those who would seek our destruction. Failure sends an equally powerful message that will encourage our enemies to attack us and makes it more difficult for existing allies in the Middle East to remain supportive of American values and goals
posted by Adam Harmon at
9:31 PM
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